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June 16, 2000 VOL. 29 NO. 23 | SEARCH ASIAWEEK Editorial: Leaders, Lead To gain voters' trust, Japan's politicians must revitalize themselves Japanese Prime Minister Mori Yoshiro must be hoping for a divine wind to help him defend his position in elections for parliament's powerful lower house on June 25. Since the gaffe-prone PM said that Japan was a "divine nation centered on the Emperor" last month, echoing wartime nationalism, his approval rating has dived as low as 16.7%. The opposition is reveling in Mori's woes, branding him and his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) as unfit to rule. The sad fact is that, based on their current behavior, no politician or party in Japan appears fit to rule. It is high time for Japan's leaders to take responsibility, identify the problems their nation faces, and put detailed and realistic policy solutions before voters. Japanese citizens and their neighbors in the region need a government in Tokyo that can set -- and keep -- a course, instead of always just muddling through. Nor were Mori's nationalist leanings and loose tongue the sole causes of concern. Also startling was the way he was chosen for Japan's top job after the collapse of the late PM Obuchi Keizo: in a backroom meeting of five senior LDP officials. Even worse was that a "machine politician" with no known original ideas like Mori was first in line. The unwieldy three-party coalition the LDP leads, bound less by shared views than by a desire to retain power, offers no hope of fresh directions. The one plus on the LDP's tally sheet is that Obuchi's heavy-spending policies have put the economy on the recovery track. But given that the crisis Obuchi overcame had been triggered by the mismanagement of the previous LDP administration, the party cannot be given too much credit for its economic savvy. (And of course the Liberal Democrats presided over the creation of the 1980s "bubble economy" and most of the 10 years of stagnation after it popped.) Is the opposition any better? Not really. Its biggest handicap is the lack of a track record, partly due to the LDP's lengthy hold on power. Another factor, however, is the way opposition parties have formed, split, merged, disbanded and re-formed in a bewildering display of bickering and gamesmanship since Japan's political realignment began in 1993. Take the 1993-1994 administration, launched by the now-defunct Japan New Party. Representing the only time the LDP was entirely out of government in the past 45 years, it crumbled after just 11 months, leaving a legacy of voter distrust. Today's largest opposition group, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), can muster a mere 8% in public support, according to a Japan Broadcasting Corp. poll, against the LDP's 26%. And in the unlikely event that the opposition wins a majority, the DPJ would be hard put to form a workable coalition from among LDP foes ranging from communists to conservatives. So far, campaigning has consisted mostly of each side claiming that the other cannot be trusted in office. That is not going to reverse public distrust of all politicians. The parties should cool their bashing and put more effort into addressing what voters say are the key issues: economic recovery, public debt, pension reform, education and crime. Some baby steps have been made. The DPJ bravely suggests widening the tax base to boost government finances. The LDP says it will not tackle fiscal reform until the economy is healthy, avoiding the recession-causing mistake it made in 1997. But most party platforms are collections of blue-sky promises with few details and little indication of how they will be paid for. If politicians want to prove that they are actually thoughtful and reliable, they must give voters honest policy proposals that address immediate problems in a concrete manner. Longer term, Japan must rethink how its political system works. To become prime minister today, an LDP politician must have enough seniority in parliament, sufficient cabinet experience and, most important, have the backing of key party factions. Ability, vision, charisma -- such qualities are not on the list. The system also discourages any outsiders, even prefectural governors, from aspiring to national positions. No wonder Japanese politics seems so stagnant. Here too some initial steps are evident, such as the introduction of single-seat constituencies and the requirement that ministers answer questions in parliament themselves. The death of Obuchi and the retirement of his mentor Takeshita Noboru also herald a generational change. But more measures are needed to introduce fresh blood and ideas. These could include more non-politician members of cabinet or even the DPJ's suggestion of a popular vote for the premiership. Japan's political anemia is of concern to all Asia. Regional equations are changing as China asserts itself and the two Koreas grope toward reconciliation. Relations with the United States are becoming more complex -- closer with economic globalization, but also more distant as Asia tires of U.S. hectoring. Amid these shifts, a drifting, uncertain Japan is not healthy. The ultimate responsibility for the state of Japanese politics rests, of course, with voters. Too often they have cast their ballots unthinkingly for the LDP. Now they must really consider who should lead them. But as Japan's self-professed leaders, politicians in both the ruling and opposition camps must take the initiative, make solid proposals for the future, and regain voters' trust. If they cannot revitalize themselves, what hope is there that they can revitalize Japan. Write to Asiaweek at mail@web.asiaweek.com
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