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Why Kashmir's rebels should negotiate with the Indian government By APARISIM GHOSH May 11, 2000 Web posted at 8:30 p.m. Hong Kong time, 8:30 a.m. EDT ALSO Subcontinental Drift's Aparisim Ghosh presents Conversations • 'Kashmir is not an animal to be carved up' Exclusive interview with recently released Kashmiri separatist Yasin Malik (transcript)
"They will take me again," he told me, in the matter-of-fact way a man might talk about an ordinary day at the office. "They will put me in jail, then they will release me again to show the world how benign the Indian state is."
Malik, 32, is deeply skeptical of Delhi's sincerity. Speaking over the phone on Wednesday, he pointed out that Advani had insisted the talks be held within the framework of the Indian constitution, which states that Kashmir is an integral part of India. Malik says this precondition effectively rules out any peace talks: "If one party wants to impose its agenda on the other, then what can we discuss--the weather?" He believes Advani is trying to win diplomatic brownie points in the international community by making an offer the Hurriyat cannot but refuse. [Click here to read an edited, abridged transcript of the interview] But by refusing to go to the negotiating table because of a technicality, Malik and the Hurriyat are committing a strategic and political blunder. The time is ripe for real progress in Kashmir: in the afterglow of U.S. President Bill Clinton's visit to India last month, Delhi is more likely to make concessions than at any point in recent memory. Clinton may have promised to keep the U.S. out of the Indo-Pakistani dispute over Kashmir, but he also made it clear that Washington expects Delhi to come up with a peaceful solution, soon. Hence Advani's overture toward Malik and his ilk. A year from now, when the Clinton visit has been forgotten, the Indian government will be much less inclined to parley with the Hurriyat.
There's another important consideration: as more and more Afghan mujahedin enter the fray in Kashmir, the Hurriyat runs the real risk of losing control of the rebellion. Malik maintains that the majority of the rebel fighters are locals, but reports from Kashmir suggest foreigners are taking on an ever larger role. The outsiders have their own agenda--a jihad, or holy war, which is not necessarily the same thing as Kashmiri independence. In a few years, Malik and the Hurriyat might find themselves pushed to the margins of the Kashmir uprising, unable to negotiate for anything. The moment for talks is now: a great deal depends on Yasin Malik's willingness to set aside his skepticism and seize the day. Sound-off about the news in South Asia to TIME Write to TIME at mail@web.timeasia.com Search for recent Asia Buzz
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Subcontinental Drift's Aparisim Ghosh presents
Conversations 
